Friday, June 8, 2007

A 21st Century "Praetorian Guard" in the Making

Some excerpts:
Armed units from the private security firm Blackwater USA opened fire in Baghdad streets twice in two days last week. It triggered a standoff between the security contractors and Iraqi forces, a reminder that the war in Iraq may be remembered mostly in our history books for empowering and building America's first modern mercenary army.


The privatization of war hands an incentive to American corporations, many with tremendous political clout, to keep us mired down in Iraq. But even more disturbing is the steady rise of this modern Praetorian Guard. The Praetorian Guard in ancient Rome was a paramilitary force that defied legal constraints, made violence part of the political discourse, and eventually plunged the Roman Republic into tyranny and despotism. Despotic movements need paramilitary forces that operate outside the law, forces that sow fear among potential opponents, and are capable of physically silencing those branded by their leaders as traitors. And in the wrong hands, a Blackwater could well become that force.


Mercenary forces like Blackwater operate beyond civilian and military law. They are covered by a 2004 edict passed by American occupation authorities in Iraq that immunizes all civilian contractors in Iraq from prosecution.

Blackwater, barely a decade old, has migrated from Iraq to set up operations in the United States and nine other countries. It trains Afghan security forces and has established a base a few miles from the Iranian border. The huge contracts from the war - including $750 million from the State Department since 2004 - have allowed Blackwater to amass a fleet of more than 20 aircraft, including helicopter gunships. Jeremy Scahill, the author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army, points out that Blackwater has also constructed "the world's largest private military facility - a 7,000-acre compound near the Great Dismal Swamp of North Carolina." Blackwater also recently opened a facility in Illinois ("Blackwater North") and, despite local opposition, is moving ahead with plans to build another huge training base near San Diego. The company recently announced it was creating a private intelligence branch called "Total Intelligence."

Erik Prince, who founded and runs Blackwater, is a man who appears to have little time for the niceties of democracy. He has close ties with the radical Christian Right and the Bush White House. He champions his company as a patriotic extension of the U.S. military. His employees, in an act as cynical as it is dishonest, take an oath of loyalty to the Constitution. But what he and his allies have built is a mercenary army, paid for with government money, which operates outside the law and without constitutional constraint.

Mercenary units are a vital instrument in the hands of despotic movements. Communist and fascist movements during the last century each built rogue paramilitary forces. And the appearance of Blackwater fighters, heavily armed and wearing their trademark black uniforms, patrolling the streets of New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, may be a grim taste of the future. In New Orleans Blackwater charged the government $240,000 a day.

" 'It cannot happen here' is always wrong," the philosopher Karl Popper wrote. "A dictatorship can happen anywhere."

The word contractor helps launder the fear and threat out of a more accurate term: "paramilitary force." We're not supposed to have such forces in the United States, but we now do. And if we have them, we have a potential threat to democracy. On U.S. soil, Blackwater so far has shown few signs of being an out-and-out rogue retainer army, though they looked the part in New Orleans. But were this country to become even a little less stable, outfits like Blackwater might see a heyday. If the United States falls into a period of instability caused by another catastrophic terrorist attack, an economic meltdown that triggers social unrest, or a series of environmental disasters, such paramilitary forces, protected and assisted by fellow ideologues in the police and military, could ruthlessly abolish what is left of our eroding democracy. War, with the huge profits it hands to corporations, and to right-wing interests such as the Christian Right, could become a permanent condition. And the thugs with automatic weapons, black uniforms and wraparound sunglasses who appeared on the streets in New Orleans could appear on our streets.

Such mercenary corporations under the right (or shall I say, wrong) conditions could devolve into death squads and the like - at least that would be my take based on a reading of some of sociologist Martha Huggins' work (e.g., Political Policing). Using the Brazilian experience with military dictatorship during the 1960s and 1970s, Dr. Huggins lays bare the process by which that nation's various military and paramilitary forces spun off various rogue groups who managed to become increasingly involved in terrorizing the masses. Oddly enough, although these death squads seemed to operate under the aegis of consolidating control and restoring order in an increasingly chaotic social and political situation, these death squads ultimately sowed the seeds of further disorder and ultimately the demise of the very regime they presumably served.

Under a scenario in which the US is facing large-scale social unrest, the temptation among the nation's to impose some form of regimentation would be great. Hence the attractiveness of so-called "private contractors" operating in the service of those elites, presumably in conjunction with local police forces and National Guard units. Before too long, there will be a good deal of infighting regarding turf among these various militarized forces as they vie to justify their existence at taxpayers' expense. That will lead to temptation to cut legal and ethical corners in order to demonstrate the necessity of maintaining and increasing funds to these various enterprises. No doubt that mass protests touched off by death squad activities could provide some "cover" for the need to beef up security forces - and besides, the death squads would merely be written off as "bad apples" (albeit useful "bad apples"). We might also expect that should a despotic regime bolstered by increasingly rogue mercenary forces fall, that the cycle of violence would not necessarily end as the inevitable reprisals are meted out by victims of mercenary violence (and often done so in vigilante fashion in frustration resulting from failures to sufficiently prosecute the various mercenary perpetrators).

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